York the 23d Novr. 1777
My dear Sir,
I need not make an apology for my paper because you know our choice of things here is confined within narrow bounds, as little occasion is there to excuse the slovenly manner in which this letter may be written, since you well know how seldom it is that we can command time in this busy scene. I had the pleasure of writing you lately by Capt. Romane, a young gentleman of worth who passes thro Boston in his return to his own Country.1 Since that letter was written we have lost fort Mifflin, which our brave garrison was obliged to abandon after a most gallant defence, in which all their guns were dismounted but two, and all the works beaten away to about a rod and a half. The enemy brought up their cutdown Indiaman between Province & Mud Islands and lay within Musket shot of the Fort upon which they discharged a most furious cannonade with 24 & 32 pounders, and from Cohorns and Musketry in their Tops, drove the Men from their guns. ’Tis said the Gallies did not do their duty. Notwithstanding this, it is the opinion of many that the enemy will not be able to get their fleet up to the City, unless they can get red bank, which, with the Gallies may yet prevent their raising the Chevaux de Frize. To remove this obstruction, we hear they have passed 3000 men over at Coopers ferry, and Cornwallis has crossed from Chester with 1500 more. Our force to oppose him is Brigadier Varnum’s brigade of 1200, 4 regiments in Red Bank fort with the Garrison of Fort Mifflin, and Huntingtons Brigade lately sent over. We understand that the Army has moved down upon the enemies lines in consequence of their weakness by these powerful detachments. Thus we daily expect some interesting event. The confederation is not yet returned from press but we expect it will in a day or two when it will be sent forward, and with it will come this letter. We have strongly pressed the speedy consideration and return of the Confederation and we have urged the necessity of immediate and extensive Taxation, regulation of prices, and other measures of finance, ceconomy, and effectual recruiting the army.2 I know my friend Mr. John Adams will say the regulation of prices wont do. I agree it will not singly answer and I know that Taxation with (Economy are the radical cures. But I also know that the best Physicians sometimes attend to Symptons, apply palliatives, and under favor of the Truce thus obtained, introduce (radical cures) cause removing Medicines. Let us for a moment check the enormity of the evil by this method, whilst the other more sure, but more slow methods secure us against a return of the mischief. The middle & southern States (particularly the insatiable avarice of Pennsylvania) having refused to join in the plan formerly, rendered the experiment on your part inconclusive and partial; therefore I do not think Mr. Adams’s argument drawn from that trial quite decisive against the measure. I incline to think that the necessity of the case will now procure its adoption universally, and then we shall see what great things may be effected by common consent. The American conduct has already shattered and overset the conclusions of the best Theorists, and I hope this will be another instance. Two days ago I moved the immediate recall of Mr. Deane, which was agreed without dissent, and tomorrow is appointed for choosing a Commissioner in his place.3 Our friends Mr. John Adams & Mr. Denny4 are in Nomination, with some others. This appointment was strongly pressed on me in Congress, but my dear friend, rigid as you are in these matters,
I am sure you would have admitted my apology. I feel the obligations of public duty very powerfully, but when these duties can be better discharged by others, why may not the private ones be suffered to prevail? Why may not chari liberi have their weight, when such a sacrifice is not necessary for the public service. I remember that in some points our opinion differed respecting Mr. Deane, but I feel myself obliged to think that he has pursued his best judgment for the good of his Country when he made those distressing contracts, and perhaps his peculiar situation compelled him to carry them further than he might otherwise have done. Be this as it may, after Congress had so strongly determined concerning these, it would have been out of all character to have continued him. Yet this is a matter of great delicacy and I am not well satisfied with the whole of it. If our friend Mr. Adams should be chosen, I have earnest hopes that he will accept. The loss of time that will attend his refusal, independant of other considerations, renders it of much consequence that he should not refuse. Yesterday evening brought us a letter from Mr. Bingham covering one from Mr. Carmichael dated Paris June the 25 which containes the following passages. "Mr. Lee writes me he is on his return from Berlin having finished his business successfully. If our enemies are not successful they mean to close with us on the best terms they can, sensible that if this great effort does not succeed, they have little to hope in future. This is an animating reason for us to preserve in the glorious contest. The English have compleated their loan amongst themselves. No foreigners have assisted them, altho the terms to the Lender are better than any ever yet offered by that Nation except once. Foreigners know that they have yet several millions to fund for which they must offer still better terms. The Spaniards have refused the mediation of France & England in their dispute with Portugal, being determined to prosecute the war until Portugal makes reparation and demands peace. They have taken the important Island of St. Catharine on the coast of Brazil without loss & mean vigorously to prosecute their operations on the Brazils. This I have from undoubted authority, one of the family Ministers. An account prevails that the Indians of the east have fallen on their Oppressors & have taken Madrass. India Stock has fallen in consequence of this. Both France & Spain continue their Armaments, as if preparing for some great event. This obliges England to do the same. Of course all their Naval & Army Contracts are for years and they employ as many Work men in the Dock yards as they did in the last War. From this circumstance you may judge, however different their declarations may be in Parliament, they have real apprehensions from this Court & that of Spain. It would render our negotiations with Prussia more successful, if a Tobacco Ship could by any means be pushed into Embden, which Ship might make her returns in Manufactures necessary for us at 15 or 20 per cent cheaper than we can have them here. Capts. Weeks, Johnson, & Nicholson have just destroyed 16 Vessels on the English & Irish coasts. I am dispatching Conynghame from hence on the same business. I begin to think War unavoidable." Signed Carmichael
Mr. Binghams letter covering the above is dated Octr. 13th and contains the following important intelligence. "The General received a few days ago by a packet from Rochelle 4th Septr. the following intelligence. That a Courier had been dispatched with instructions to the French Ambassador in London to claim all French Vessels captured (without the limits settled by treaty to bound the approach of French Vessels to the coast of British America) by the English, which have been regularly cleared out for any French Ports, which requisition if not complied with, is to be the signal for leaving the British Court. The General has received orders to put every thing in readiness for war and to lay an Embargo on all Ships destined for Europe to prevent their falling into the enemies hands. The Minister informs the General that Transports are already engaged at Havre, Nants, & Bourdeaux for the transportation of 5000 additional troops to Martinique and Guadaloupe. At Brest, Rochford, and Toulon they work night and day, & the greatest preparations are making for the immediate commencement of hostilities. The Generals plan is immediately to attack the English Islands, as his success depends on conducting his operations with such rapidity as to hinder any relief from being thrown in. The restitution of the Ship Seine & her Cargo is loudly demanded by the Court of Versailles. I mentioned in a former letter that Portugal had detached herself from the interests of Great Britain & had entered into the family Compact. Authentic advices mention that the King of Prussia has opened his Ports to the Americas." Wm. Bingham
The union of Portugal with the Bourbon compact is a most injurious affair for England, to which that wealthy Kingdom was a kind of Colony. This event has, I presume, been brought about by the success of the Spanish Arms in South America, by the death of the King of Portugal, and by the incapacity of England to assist her Ally. The above intelligence makes immediate war extremely probable in Europe. But the meanness of the Court of London will stoop to every thing rather than endanger success in trampling upon the liberties of North America. Perhaps the British Ministry begin to see the necessity of setting Europe on fire, that the Smoke may conceal them from the eyes of their injured Country. Gen. Mifflin has been here, and he urges strongly the necessity of having Gen. Gates to be President of the New Board of War. He thinks the Military knowledge and the Authority of Gates necessary to procure the indispensable changes in our Army.5 I believe he is right. The capital business of Congress for this winter is now over, and my ill state of health calls loudly for rest. I shall therefore withdraw in 8 or 10 days until the last of winter. I hope you will not forget to favor me frequently with the intelligence of your place. Where I am going is in absolute retirement, and will render more agreeable the news of the world. Your situation is one of the best and most frequent information I have now written you a long letter, one that might perhaps be construed trespass by any but a friend, I shall therefore conclude with assurances of my affectionate regard.
Richard Henry Lee
Receiver’s copy, New York Public Library. Printed in James Curtis Ballagh, The Letters of Richard Henry Lee, Volume 1, 1762 - 1778, pp. 353 - 59.
1 See Lee to Adams, 15 November 1777.
2 For these resolves of 22, 26, and 27 November, see JCC, 9:953 - 58, 968 - 71.
3 Congress voted to recall Silas Deane on 21 November and appointed John Adams to replace him on the 28th. JCC, 9:946 47, 975.
4 Francis Dana.
5 Thomas Mifflin had recently articulated his hope that Gates would come to Pennsylvania in a 17 November letter to Gates that he had written from Reading, where he had gone to join his family after the British capture of Philadelphia. Distressed at Washington’s ineffectual defense against General Howe and at Pennsylvania’s political collapse, Mifflin had submitted his resignation as major general and quartermaster general on 8 October, but Congress accepted only his resignation as quartermaster general and on 7 November appointed him to the reorganized Board of War. At the time Lee wrote this letter to Adams, Mifflin was in York consulting with the Board of War, which reported the results of their conference with Mifflin the following day. See JCC, 9:792, 874, 936, 959 - 60: Henry Laurens to Mifflin, 8 November 1777; and Kenneth R. Rossman, Thomas Mifflin and the Politics of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1952), pp. 106 - 15.
"You have savd our Northern Hemisphere," Mifflin had written to Gates on the 17th, "and in Spite of our consummate & repeated Blundering you have changd the Constitution of the Southern Campaign on the part of the Enemy from Offensive to Defensive.
"If you had remained with the Army we might have opposd but could not have counteracted the deep rooted System of Favoritism which began to shoot forth at New York & which has now arrivd to its full Growth & maturity. Repeated Slights & unjustifiable Arrogance combind with other Causes to drive from the Army those who would not worship the Image & pay an undeservd Tribute of Praise & Flattery to the great & powerful. The List of our disgusted patriots is long and formidable - their Resentments keen against the reigning Cabal and their powers of Opposition not despicable. The Campaign here must soon close. If no brilliant Action takes Place before it ends - if our Troops are oblgd to retire to Lancaster, Reading, Bethlehem &c for Winter Quarters - & the Country below is left open to the Enemys flying parties - great & very general will be the Murmur - so great & so general that nothing inferior to a Commander in Chief will be able to resist the mighty Torrent of public Clamour & public Vengeance.
"We have had a noble Army melted down by illjudgd Marches - Marches that disgrace their Authors & Directors - & which have occasiond the severest & most just Sarcasm & Contempt of our Enemies. How much are you to be envied my dear General? How different your Conduct & your Fortune!
"A Letter from Col Mifflin receivd at the Writing of the last paragraph gives me the disagreeable Intelligence of the Loss of our Fort on Delaware. You must know the Consequence - Loss of the River, Boats, Gallies, Ships of War &c. - good winter Quarters to the Enemy & a general Retreat or illjudgd blind Attempt on our part to save a gone Character.
"Conway, Spotswood, Connor, Ross, Col J. Mifflin resignd and many other brave & good Officers preparing their Letters to Congress on the same Subject. In Short this Army will be totally lost unless you come down & collect the virtuous Band, who wish to fight under your Banner, & with their Aid save the southern Hemisphere. Prepare yourself for a Jaunt to this Place. Congress must send for you. I have ten thousand things to tell." Gates Papers, NHi,
Mifflin’s letter is of special interest to students of this critical period of Washington’s declining prestige and Gates’ rising influence, for it has heretofore been identified as a letter written by James Lovell. Properly seen as coming from Mifflin’s pen, it sheds additional light on the relationships that were formed among those who yearned to replace Washington during the winter of 1777 - 78, for a discussion of which see James Lovell to Horatio Gates, 27 November 1777, note 1. It also provides the "firm proof of [Mifflin’s] active direction of the campaign to displace Washington" which Washington’s most thorough biographer regretted being unable to find when he appraised Mifflin’s role in this affair. See Freeman, Washington, 4:607n.106.