Sender: Richard Henry Lee’s Recipient: the People of Great Britain

[c.27 June 1775]1

To the people of Great Britain from the Delegates appointed by the several English Colonies of New Hampshire Massachusetts Bay Rhode Island and Providence plantations Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania The lower Counties on Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina South Carolina and the Parish of St. Johns in Georgia to meet in Philadelphia May 1775.

It is with the deepest concern that we find ourselves compelled by the persevering and increased violence of administration again to appeal to your reason and justice upon a subject of the last importance to the safety, happiness, and wellfare of the British empire. It is well known that the original cause of our present unhappy difference is the lately assumed right and practise of Parliament, to raise revenue on the subject in America, contrary to the clearest principles of justice and the English constitution, which exempt from payrnent of Tax, Tallage, Aid or other like charge not set by common consent. That British America is not represented in the British Parliament, and consequently its consent not involved in the Acts of that Assembly, is too true to admit of doubt, too certain to be contested. But to obviate this argument Administration say, many in England are not represented and yet they are bound by Acts of the British Parliament concluding that because the representation of England is imperfect therefore the people of America must not be represented at all and by fallacious kind of logic, reasoning from the existence to the infinite extention of evil.

In prosecution of this new scheme of taxation a system of Statutes and regulations has taken place by which the trial by Jury is abolished; the oppressive powers of excise extended to all cases of revenue; the sanctuary of private houses exposed to violation at the pleasure of every Officer and Servant of the customs; the dispensation of justice corrupted by making Judges totally dependant on the Crown; life and liberty rendered precarious by supposed Offenders being liable to be transported over the Ocean to be tried for treason or felony, whereby the condemnation of the most innocent may follow from distance, want of evidence, money and friends; the profligate encouraged to shed the blood of the people by a mode of trial offering in demnity to the murderer; the Capital of one Colony condemned without being heard to most unequal punishment, involving with unexampled rigor the innocent and the guilty in the same undistinguished ruin; that great palladium of English liberty the Habeas Corpus Act suppressed; Charterd rights taken away without forfeiture proved and a new form of government established to prevent legal efforts against the despotism of wicked Rulers; the antient limits of Canada extended over immense regions bordering on the frontiers of all the Colonies and Arbitrary government created there, as well by immediate exertions as by future efforts to banish liberty with all its attendant virtues from this great Continent; and finally a fleet and army sent to execute these oppresive edicts. In this state of unparalled abuse the people of America, by their Representatives in Congress Septemr 1774 presented a petition to his Majesty so full of duty, loyalty, and affection; so full of humble desires "of peace liberty and safety" as malice itself could not except against. The world will judge, what more could be done on this side the Atlantic to soften the rigor of authority and appease the rage of despotic Ministers, unless we had tamely surrendered our lives, liberty, and property into the hands of Administration, thereby rendering ourselves unworthy of the British Ancestry and undeserving the rights of men, by betraying the dignity of human nature. The duty of a British Minister should lead him to protect the just rights of the Subject in every part of the Empire, but the present Administration at variance with freedom in every Clime equal foes to British and American rights, under the fatal guidance of a Favorite at enmity with the glorious constitution of England, that work of Ages and admiration of surrounding nations instead of redressing grievances of such magnitude and so justly complained against, proceed to bitter declarations of rebellion, determination to subdue by force and increasing Armies in North America have at length drawn the Sword of violence to ravage this Country, burn houses, and destroy his Majesties faithful American subjects. When Ministry charge millions of people with cowardice faction and rebellion, it necessarily leads to reflect how extensive must be the abuse, and how different the present from former ad ministrations, which has worked so wonderful a change in a whole nation, acknowledged frequently by the parent State, to be a brave, loyal, and useful people. Equally unjust is the charge of refusing to support civil government and the administration of justice, and denying contribution to the necessary expence of protection and defence. We have already declared "that such provision has been and will be made for defraying the two first articles, as has been and shall be judged, by the Legislatures of the several colonies just and suitable to their respective circumstances." And the journals of Parliament shew that in time of war our Aids have been admitted to transcend our abilities. In times of peace justice and magnanimity will be content with the immense profits derived from our confined commerce, establishing so grievious a monopoly of our imports, and of our great staple commodities of exportation, as to impoverish us in proportion as it enriches Great Britain. A Monopoly that annually fixes so large a ballance against these Colonies, as to preclude, without great oppression the payment of fixt revenue, added to the necessary support of our respective civil establishments, and other large contingent expences. Whenever it shall be thought proper to indulge us with a Trade a<s> extensive as you our fellow subjects possess, we shall then, provided with the means of procuring wealth, freely contribute at all tim<es> our full proportion to the expences of the Empire. The injurious and unaccommodating intentions of our Ministerial enemies are fully manifested by a plan of conciliation (as it is called) so inconsistent with its avowed design, as to be incapable of deceiving the most unthinking; for when the Americans, upon constitutional ground, claim a right of being concerned in the disposal of their own property; Administration after various and violent attempts to destroy this claim, propose to conciliate, by <retaining> a power of controuling both the sum and its application; leaving the injured American the wretched choice of payment, or of punishment in case of refusal. Unprejudiced Men will determine whether this plan is intended to conciliate, or by insulting the understanding to convert dissatisfaction into despair. It appears by the conduct of Administration upon our humble petition for peace presented unto his Majesty and the demands they make; that the design which hath for sometime been carried on to alter the frame and constitution of these Colonies, is now come to ripeness; and the Contrivers of it conceive themselves arrived to that condition of strength, that they shall be able to put it into present execution. For what else can be signified by an unprovoked declaration of rebellion by the Commander of the British forces, after having converted the large and flourishing Town of Boston into a Military Garrison, marching into the Country, slautering the inhabitants, burning their houses, and ravaging all before him? Necessity hath therefore brought on this Congress and possessed it with the power of acting with more vigor and resolution than former Congresses had done, nor do the principles of Self preservation longer permit us to neglect providing a proper defence to prevent the pernicious practices of wicked men and evil Counsellors, alike enemies to the religion, laws, rights, and liberties of England and America. How necessary this was to be done, is sufficiently manifest from the designs and attempts of the despotic Governor of Canada to march an army of Canadians and Savages into these Colonies. Great cause therefore hath all good men to bless God, who put it into the heads and hearts of our Countrymen to possess themselves of the fortresses of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and to make themselves Masters of those Lakes that cover the frontiers of many Colonies, and secure them from such cruel and wicked designs. For were these bad Ministers to succeed in their evil intentions and put North America in slavery, it is not difficult to foresee with what ease they might afterwards master the liberties of Great Britain. In this state of extreme danger to the British Empire, we have once more implored our common Sovereign to save the whole from the meditated ruin of his Ministers, and by redressing the unmerited grievances of his faithful American Subjects, restore peace to his afflicted people. We call God to witness, that it is the earnest wish of our hearts to be firmly united with you on the broad basis of civil and religious liberty equally extended to all the subjects of this great empire. And we earnestly entreat your powerful aid may be interposed to calm the distractions, and quiet the apprehensions, by removing the grievances of British America. We shall then with joy behold the return of those halcyon days, when peace, happiness, and flourishing Commerce, established the glory, strength, and safety of the British empire.

Notes

Manuscript, Harvard University Libraries. In the hand of Richard Henry Lee.

1 Congress agreed to present a second address to the people of Great Britain on June 3, 1775, and appointed Richard Henry Lee, Robert R. Livingston, and Edmund Pendleton as a committee to prepare a draft. On June 27 the committee reported a draft, which was read but not considered further until July 6, when it was debated and recommitted. The committee reported again on the seventh, and on the eighth the address was debated and approved. JCC, 2:80, 110, 127, 157, 162.

The Lee draft does not appear to have been utilized in drafting the final version of the address. There is marked contrast in the organization and style of the two documents, but apparently no other drafts of the address survive. The Lee draft does however represent the views of a committee member and may have been the draft submitted to Congress June 27. Nothing is known about the work of the committee after the address was recommitted, and the authorship of the final draft has not been established. A contemporary printed text is reprinted in JCC, 2:163 - 70. See also JCC, 3:509 - 10.